Little Red Corvette
Chinese corvettes train Cambodian navy, US, Japan Australia warships join Philippine forces in South China Sea, China opposes U.S. deployment of medium-range Typhon ballistic missiles in Philippines
SYDNEY -- Two Chinese warships have been present at Cambodia's Ream Naval Base for much of the past five months, satellite images show, raising questions about the permanency of China's military presence at the facility.
China has backed a major expansion at the site on the Gulf of Thailand and was the first to send warships late last year to a new pier. Former Cambodian Defense Minister Tea Banh visited the vessels on Dec. 3 along with China's ambassador to Phnom Penh.
Radio Free Asia reported in mid-January that the ships had departed after being docked for several weeks. Nikkei Asia obtained a photo that showed the two vessels, one of which was identified as the People's Liberation Army Navy corvette Wenshan, back at the deep- draft pier on March 20.
But an analysis of satellite imagery by the Center for Strategic and International Studies showed that, except for some brief absences, the PLAN corvettes had enjoyed "extended and exclusive" access to Ream over the past four and a half months.
"The PLAN ships are visible docked at Ream's new pier in 93 percent (85 of 91) of dates with clear imagery available since the ships initially docked there on December 3," CSIS, a Washington- based think tank, wrote in an analysis released on Thursday. "The pier was only seen empty for two brief periods from January 15-18 and March 29-30."
During his visit, Banh, who handed the ministerial post to his son Tea Seiha last year but has remained heavily involved in defense matters, posted photos of the inspection on Facebook, writing that the vessels were there for training the Cambodian navy.
As far back as 2016, Cambodia has expressed interest in acquiring two warships from China. In a 2022 speech, Banh said the modernization of Ream would see Cambodia tackle more "complicated technical tasks" including operating "modern ships" equipped with missiles, which would require new training and skills.
Asked via message whether the Chinese contingent was training Cambodia's navy to take over responsibility for new ships, base commander Mey Dina said "yes" but did not answer further questions about how long it would take or what vessels would be acquired.
"Nothing is negative as you think," he wrote, adding, "I've already answered all these questions. Thanks."
The prolonged presence adds to concerns long expressed by Washington that Ream would be used to host Chinese military assets. Beijing has funded upgrades at the site and dredging of the surrounding bay, while facilities previously built by the U.S. were knocked down and the headquarters for cooperation with neighboring Vietnam was moved outside the base.
A banner displayed during the June 2022 groundbreaking ceremony for the China-backed development promotes the construction of a pier and dry dock at the southern end of the base, as well as upgrades to a maintenance workshop.
But there has been little public information about work in the north of the site, including the deep-draft pier, various buildings and what CSIS said appeared to be living quarters surrounding four regulation- size basketball courts. The Wall Street Journal in 2019 reported that Cambodia had [allegedly] signed a secret pact with China that would give the latter exclusive rights to a portion of the 87-hectare base.
Cambodia's former prime minister Hun Sen repeatedly denied reports there were plans to let China use Ream as a base, weighing in again this month to call the claims "slanderous." Hun Sen, who is now leader of the ruling party and Senate president, also rejected reports that a China-funded canal project could be used for military purposes.
His son, Hun Manet, who was installed as prime minister last August, reiterated in January there would be no foreign military bases in the country as it was forbidden by Cambodia's constitution.
The Royal Cambodian Navy's coastal fleet currently includes four Soviet-era Stenka patrol boats, two of which are unseaworthy, four PC42 Chinese-built patrol boats and a few more small vessels.
One former member of the diplomatic community, who has deep knowledge of developments at Ream in recent years, said operating a larger class of vessel would be a "quantum leap" for Cambodian sailors, who would require intense training.
"It's exactly what you would expect, getting an early start on the knowledge and skills transfer needed to operate warships as everything for the Cambodians is going to be new -- the engine, the communications and the weapons," the individual said.
The arrangement also could provide cover for an ongoing presence at the site, the individual said.
CSIS noted no other ships, including Cambodian vessels, had used the new pier, and a recent visit by two Japanese destroyers was routed to Sihanoukville Autonomous Port rather than Ream.
"If you're coming for a visit or an exercise, you don't stay for five months," said Gregory Poling, director of the Southeast Asia Program and Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative at CSIS. "Which means that this is either a rotational deployment or a permanent deployment.
"It means that there are presumably Chinese personnel who have been living on the base for the last five months, and that's noteworthy particularly because the Cambodians continue to insist that this isn't a Chinese base, and anybody can use it. And yet, as far as we can tell, only one person is using it."
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U.S., Japanese and Australian Warships Join Philippine Forces in South China Sea Patrol
By Aaron-Matthew Lariosa
Six warships and four aircraft from Australia, Japan, the Philippines, and the United States conducted a joint patrol in the South China Sea on Sunday following Chinese harassment of Philippine Navy resupply missions in the region.
Officially dubbed the Australia – Japan – Philippines – United States Maritime Cooperative Activity, these joint patrols began last November in response to violent incidents between Manila and Beijing in the South China Sea, particularly around Scarborough Shoal and the resupply missions to BRP Sierra Madre (LT-57) at Second Thomas Shoal.
China Coast Guard and Chinese maritime militia have blasted water cannons, conducted blocking maneuvers, deployed long-range acoustic devices, and rammed vessels in a series of increasingly aggressive moves against Philippine vessels.
Last month, Philippine Navy sailors were injured by Chinese water cannons as a result of these attempts to block a resupply mission to Sierra Madre on two separate encounters. Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos said there would be “a response and countermeasure package” to counter the “illegal, coercive, aggressive, and dangerous attacks by agents of the China Coast Guard and the Chinese maritime militia.”
While not explicitly linked to be a part of the response and countermeasure package, Manila originally pitched the idea of joint patrols with allies to show support and demonstrate deterrence against further Chinese aggression in the South China Sea, officials said.
“I am confident that this collaboration will contribute to a more secure and stable environment for our people,” Marcos said in November regarding the first joint patrol with the U.S. in response to Chinese harassment. Since then, and with incidents ramping up in scale and intensity, Manila has invited more countries to join these efforts. Canada, France and India have expressed their interest in being involved.
Sunday’s joint patrol not only marks the first combined multinational patrol but also the first time Japanese vessels and aircraft participated. Tokyo and Manila have expanded their defense ties over the last year, most notably through trilateral exchanges with the U.S. and the provision of naval radars to the Philippine Navy via Japan’s new military aid program. According to the Financial Times, the Philippines, Japan, and the U.S. are expected to strengthen their security cooperation during this week’s trilateral summit in Washington.
Alongside the number of involved nations, the joint patrol also included the most assets to date. Warships included Littoral Combat Ship USS Mobile (LCS-26), HMAS Warramunga (FFH-152), JS Akebono (DD-108), BRP Gregorio Del Pilar (PS-15), BRP Antonio Luna (FF-151) and BRP Valentin Diaz (PS-177). Shipborne helicopters as well as Two P-8 Poseidon aircraft from Australia and the U.S. were also involved.
Armed Forces of the Philippines spokesperson Col. Xerxes Trinidad stated there were “no untoward incidents” during the joint patrol. Concurrently with the combined activities, the Chinese Ministry of National Defense announced that Chinese forces in the South China Sea would conduct their own joint naval and air patrol. The Chinese statement further added that “all military activities disrupting the South China Sea situation and creating buzzes are under control.”
In a joint statement released by defense officials from the four nations, Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin stated that this patrol “underscores our shared commitment to ensuring that all countries are free to fly, sail, and operate wherever international law allows.”
Similar sentiments were communicated by his Australian, Japanese, and Philippine counterparts, with Philippine Secretary of National Defense Giberto Teodoro emphasising that these actions show “the enduring friendship and partnership among the peace-loving peoples of the Philippines, United States, Australia, and Japan.”
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China opposes U.S. deployment of medium-range ballistic missiles in Asia-Pacific
By Xinhua
BEIJING, April 18 (Xinhua) -- China strongly opposes U.S. deployment of medium-range ballistic missiles in the Asia-Pacific, and urged the United States to stop stoking military confrontation, Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Lin Jian said on Thursday.
Lin's remarks came after the U.S. Army Pacific announced that the United States has deployed the Mid-Range Capability missile system, also known as Typhon, to Luzon, the Philippines, as part of their joint military exercise. This is the first time that the United States deployed a land-based, ground-launched system after it withdrew from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty.
Lin said that China noted the announcement and expresses grave concern over the move. China strongly opposes U.S. deployment of medium-range ballistic missiles in the Asia-Pacific, which strengthens forward deployment at China's doorstep to seek unilateral military advantage, he said.
This move by the United States exacerbates tensions in the region and increases the risk of misjudgment and miscalculation, Lin noted.
"We urge the United States to earnestly respect other countries' security concerns, stop stoking military confrontation, stop undermining peace and stability in the region, and take concrete actions to reduce strategic risks," Lin said.
He added that the Philippines needs to see and be mindful of what the United States is truly after, and the consequence of going along with the country on deploying medium-range ballistic missiles.
"The Philippines needs to think twice about being a cat's paw for the United States at the expense of its own security interests, and stop sliding down the wrong path," he said.
(Web editor: Zhang Kaiwei, Liang Jun)
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US’s 'Typhon' missile system deployed in the Philippines: A dangerous move?
By Han Yong Hong (Think China - Singapore)
Shortly after the closely-watched US-Japan-Philippines trilateral summit, the US Army Pacific Command announced on 15 April that the 1st Multi-Domain Task Force (1st MDTF) successfully deployed the "Typhon", a new midrange ground-based missile launcher system, in Northern Luzon, Philippines, as part of the US-Philippines joint military exercise “Exercise Salaknib 24”.
The press release by the US military described the deployment as a “historic first”, which would enhance interoperability, readiness and defence capabilities for both the US and Philippines militaries. For China, this is undoubtedly a move by adversaries to position threatening weapons directly at their doorstep.
Following the announcement, the defence chiefs for both China and the US, China’s Minister of National Defence Dong Jun and US Defence Secretary Llyod Austin, shared a phone call on the night of 16 April, the first between the two in nearly 18 months, which is a proof that China and US militaries have fully resumed dialogue.
In the press releases for both sides, there was no mention of “Typhon”, but both reiterated their stances with regard to the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait issues with strong language, once more demonstrating that the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait have become the most sensitive issues between the two militaries, and that one issue could affect the other.
The US military leveraged the joint military exercise to deploy “Typhon” on Luzon, which means the entire South China Sea, the Taiwan Strait, and China’s eastern key coastal cities are all within range.
A historic first
That the US Army Pacific Command called the deployment of “Typhon” at Luzon, Philippines a “historic first” was no exaggeration, as it was indeed the first time since the Cold War that the US is deploying a midrange missile launcher system in Asia and on the first island chain.
Since 1987 when then US President Ronald Reagan and Soviet Union General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev signed the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, both the US and Soviet Union have destroyed more than 2,600 deployed and undeployed midrange missiles in accordance with the treaty, and have been subjected to restrictions on further production, development and deployment.
However, in 2019, then US President Donald Trump officially withdrew from the treaty, citing Russia's longstanding breach of the treaty and the fact that China was not a party to it. At the time, many predicted that the US would go all out to deal with China once it withdrew from the treaty.
“Typhon” is a direct result of the US’s withdrawal from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, and it officially became combat-capable last year. The system is designed to launch various “Tomahawk” cruise missiles and “SM-6” missiles to hit targets on land, with a “tactical Tomahawk” missile range of up to 1,800 km.
The US military leveraged the joint military exercise to deploy “Typhon” on Luzon, which means the entire South China Sea, the Taiwan Strait, and China’s eastern key coastal cities are all within range. The “Tomahawk” cruise missile can also be equipped with a nuclear warhead, increasing its deterrent effect.
In fact, when US Army Pacific commander General Charles Flynn visited Japan in April, he revealed to the media that the US planned to deploy in the Indo-Pacific region a midrange missile launcher system to strengthen their deterrence against China.
External observers have been guessing where the US would deploy the system, as well as which country would be willing to risk directly offending China. When the THAAD missile system was deployed in the Republic of Korea years ago, China retaliated severely. Which country would bear the brunt of “Typhon” this time around? Most commentaries guessed it would be deployed in Guam, or at most in Japan — no one thought it would be the Philippines.
The Philippines’ pro-US stance could be due to the fact that Philippine elites are more influenced by the West, and also related to rising China-Philippines tensions over the Ren’ai Reef (also known as the Ayungin Shoal or the Second Thomas Shoal) in the South China Sea.
Pro-US vibes
Among the ten ASEAN countries, the Philippines is the most pro-US. The recently concluded State of Southeast Asia survey conducted by ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute found that, if forced to align itself with either China or the US, more ASEAN countries chose China than the US for the first time this year. Yet, it was the opposite for the Philippines — a whopping 78% of Philippine respondents had already chosen the US in 2023, and this figure again rose to 83% this year. Notably, while this survey is not a formal poll, since it is conducted annually, it reflects the geopolitical perspectives of the elites in ASEAN.
The Philippines’ pro-US stance could be due to the fact that Philippine elites are more influenced by the West, and also related to rising China-Philippines tensions over the Ren’ai Reef (also known as the Ayungin Shoal or the Second Thomas Shoal) in the South China Sea.
Also, compared with large ASEAN countries such as Indonesia as well as Malaysia which have large Muslim communities, Muslims only make up about 5% of the Philippine population, and the damage to the US’s image as a result of the Israel-Hamas conflict has had little impact on the Philippines.
This will certainly put pressure on the unity of ASEAN.
On the other hand, just as the US is strengthening military and economic cooperation with the Philippines, China warmly welcomed Indonesia President-elect Prabowo Subianto, while Chinese Defence Minister Dong visited Vietnam, another claimant state in the South China Sea, and agreed to establish a hotline between the Chinese People’s Liberation Army’s Southern Theater Command and the Vietnamese Navy.
Chinese Politburo member and Foreign Minister Wang Yi also visited Indonesia, urging ASEAN to band together from within and "resist all kinds of acts that create division and confrontation in the region", seemingly in reference to strengthening Philippines-US relations. This will certainly put pressure on the unity of ASEAN.
... the intensity of the criticism is far from China’s reaction to South Korea’s THAAD deployment back then. The reason for this, simply put, is because land-based Tomahawk cruise missiles are not as much of a threat as Tomahawk missiles launched by the US Navy or Air Force.
China and US still talking
Fortunately, shortly after the US military’s aforementioned announcement, Chinese and US defence ministers Dong and Austin spoke via video teleconference on 16 April.
At the same time, China’s response to the deployment in the Philippines has not been strong so far. The Chinese foreign ministry expressed “grave concern”, while the defence ministry criticised this as a “dangerous move that will seriously threaten the security of regional countries and undermine regional peace and stability”.
Even so, the intensity of the criticism is far from China’s reaction to South Korea’s THAAD deployment back then. The reason for this, simply put, is because land-based Tomahawk cruise missiles are not as much of a threat as Tomahawk missiles launched by the US Navy or Air Force. Last July, some Chinese military experts had already questioned if the US Army’s deployment of Typhon was just using countering China as a cover to compete with other US military branches.
Regardless, diplomatic warfare and mutual military deterrence among major powers in the region, including the small multilateral military security cooperation promoted by the US, will increase regional tensions. The annual US-Philippines Balikatan or “shoulder-to-shoulder” military exercises mobilising some 17,000 troops will be held next week, and for the first time, in waters outside Philippine territory and areas caught between the sovereignty claims of China and the Philippines, clearly targeting China.
At the same time, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken will be embarking on his four-day China visit on 23 April, again repeating the US’s strategy of engaging in negotiations with China while also employing containment measures. The US and China have been repeatedly engaged in this dangerous balancing game recently, but hopefully both parties can remain calm, keep the situation under control, and prevent any accidental mishap that could destabilise the situation.
This article was first published in Lianhe Zaobao as “美国“堤丰”中导系统部署菲律宾”.
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