The Return of Anwar
It took 20 years of extraordinary patience for Anwar Ibrahim to become Malaysia's 10th prime minister, but can he form a working government, reform the political system and maintain ASEAN centrality?
UPDATE: Your intrepid editor is recovering from pneumonia slowly and has decided to bring you a series of articles on Malaysia and the titanic struggle of Anwar Ibrahim.
First up a celebratory article from Australia, followed by a cautious assessment of Malaysia’s hung parliament from Aljazeera. However, the majority of local and ASEAN media coverage is rightly concerned about the fact that there was no clear winner and fears of ongoing turmoil or crises due to a hung parliament. Anyway you assess Malaysia’s current political climate the past two decades have proven that the system needs reform and only a clear mandate for the majority Malay population supported by the Chinese and Indian minorities can help to reform ASEAN’s third largest economy as it struggles to break the the middle income gap and the tight grip of the post-colonial Western liberal transmission belt.
Anwar Returns
It was a declaration of war from a man who ought to have been resigned to defeat and surrender years earlier. Anwar Ibrahim stood in the dock of the Malaysian Federal Court in Kuala Lumpur and railed against the three robed judges who stared at him in stunned silence across the colonial-era chamber.
“Justice is courage, the courage of conviction,” Anwar seethed on that day in July 2002. “God willing, the day of justice will return, and I call on the friends of justice to remain steadfast. We shall clear the rubble — the corruption and injustices Dr Mahathir left in his trail — and we will build a democratic and just Malaysia.”
Moments earlier, the judges had delivered a preposterous verdict, unanimously rejecting Anwar’s final appeal against a fifteen-year prison sentence for corruption and sexual misconduct. It was a verdict that ignored emphatic denials by the supposed victims of abuse, a police report dismissing the allegations as baseless and the discrediting of critical forensic evidence. It was roundly condemned by legal experts around the world and by foreign governments, including in Washington.
Anwar’s defiant words seemed more pitiful than prescient in that moment. It would take more than twenty years for his promised day of justice to return. His appointment this week as Malaysia’s tenth prime minister after the mid-November general election closes the circle on a titanic struggle between the man once called the father of Malaysian politics and his wayward son that has consumed the country’s politics for a generation.
In 1997, Mahathir Mohamad had been Malaysia’s prime minister for sixteen years. Anwar Ibrahim was the deputy he had recruited, groomed and anointed as his successor. Their partnership fell apart spectacularly in the aftermath of the 1997 Asian financial crisis.
As finance minister, Anwar had committed to austerity measures suggested by the International Monetary Fund to rescue the battered Malaysian economy. But Mahathir, who claimed the cause of the problem was a conspiracy by global financiers, backed a slew of lavish bailouts for failing Malaysian corporations, not least his son’s shipping company. Anwar also angered Mahathir by beginning to tackle widespread corruption in the government and — as many Malaysians cheered the fall of Indonesia’s Suharto regime in May 1998 — embracing political and social reform.
Mahathir abruptly sacked Anwar that September. Three days later, police used tear gas and water cannons to break up the biggest protest rally in Malaysia’s history as more than 50,000 people took to the streets of Kuala Lumpur in support of Anwar. Malaysia’s reformasi movement was born.
That night, Anwar was arrested and detained. A week later he appeared in court with a black eye, the result of a beating in prison by police inspector-general Rahim Noor. (Rahim was later jailed for two months for the assault.) Anwar was eventually sentenced to six years’ jail for supposedly abusing his ministerial position by directing police special branch officers to pressure witnesses to retract allegations he’d had sex with his family’s driver and an illicit affair with the wife of his private secretary. (Both homosexuality and adultery are criminal offences in Malaysia.) A subsequent trial saw him also convicted for the alleged sexual offences themselves.
The Federal Court decision to uphold those verdicts in 2002 came despite evidence that Anwar’s driver had three times denied having sex with his employer and compelling evidence that police had threatened witnesses and manipulated evidence. The appeal judges also ignored an admission by police special branch chief Mohamad Said bin Awang that in 1997 — a year before Anwar’s sacking — he had sent a report to Mahathir dismissing the allegations of sexual misconduct as a whispered smear campaign.
Mahathir’s confected crucifixion of Anwar would do much more than brutally derail the career of a charismatic leader who had promised, since his earliest days as a student activist, to build a cleaner, fairer and more racially egalitarian Malaysia. It paved the way for even greater levels of cronyism and corruption within the ruling Malay elite, culminating in the kleptocracy of Najib Razak’s nine-year prime ministership from 2009 that presaged a twelve-year prison sentence. It also robbed the country, Southeast Asia and the world of a democratic and West-friendly Muslim leader committed to building a better order.
The day after emerging as leader of the most successful coalition in Malaysia’s latest general election, the now seventy-five-year-old Anwar told reporters gathered outside his home, “This you need to learn from Anwar Ibrahim — patience, wait a long time, patience.” Patience indeed. And extraordinary determination.
Read full article here.
No clear winner as Malaysia election ends in hung parliament
Coalition led by opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim wins most seats, but group led by ex-PM Muhyiddin Yassin make gains.Malaysia’s tightly contested general election has ended in a hung parliament, with the coalition led by opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim winning the most seats followed by a grouping including the country’s Islamist party a few seats behind.
Anwar’s Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition secured 82 seats in the 222-member parliament while former Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin’s Malay-based Perikatan Nasional (PN) trailed behind with 73 seats, the Election Commission of Malaysia said early on Sunday morning. Voting was suspended in one seat in the Borneo state of Sarawak after flooding made it impossible for elections workers and voters to get to some polling stations.
Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob’s ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition – dominated by his United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) party – suffered major upsets, emerging with just 30 seats. It was a major turnaround for an alliance that dominated Malaysia’s political landscape since its independence nearly 60 years ago.
Anwar and Muhyiddin each claimed their coalitions had enough support to form the government, although they did not reveal which parties they had allied with. Key to the formation of any government will be the Borneo states of Sabah and Sarawak, which have long sought greater influence at the federal level.
Coalition talks were continuing on Sunday.
Malaysia’s political landscape has become increasingly fractured in recent years. PH’s historic win in 2018 triggered political infighting among ethnic Malay parties that played on concerns about race and religion in a country that is mostly Malay Muslim but has significant communities of Indigenous people and those of Chinese and Indian origin.
PH fell to a power grab in February 2020 as the COVID-19 pandemic emerged, and the country has had three prime ministers in as many years.
Many of the former PH politicians who helped engineer that collapse were soundly punished at the ballot box, with one even losing her deposit.
Also losing his deposit was veteran former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, who at 97 had set up another Malay-based party in the wake of PH’s collapse. Mahathir came in fourth in a five-way fight on the resort island of Langkawi, the election commission said. It was a shock defeat for someone who had led Malaysia for some 22 years until 2003, and was once revered for his role in turning Malaysia into an export giant.
Muhyiddin’s PN made gains thanks to a surge in support for PAS, an Islamist party that expanded further across northern and central Malaysia from its traditional strongholds.
Read full article here.
Election Turmoil
Malaysia tumbled into fresh political turmoil Sunday after a tightly contested general election delivered a hung Parliament with no clear winner and a surprising surge of support for an Islamist party.
Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim’s reformist alliance secured the biggest gain with 82 out of 220 Parliamentary seats, but fell far short of a majority. Trailing close behind was former Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin’s Malay-based Perikatan Nasional, or National Alliance with 73 seats.
The alliance led by the United Malays National Organization, which ruled Malaysia since independence from Britain until 2018, fared worse than in the last polls with upsets in a number of seats in a clear sign of rejection from Malays, who opted for Muhyiddin’s bloc. It won only 30 seats.
Among other key election losers was two-time former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, who at 97 is leading a separate Malay movement.
Many rural Malays, who form two-thirds of Malaysia’s 33 million people, which include large minorities of ethnic Chinese and Indians, fear they may lose their rights with greater pluralism. This, together with corruption in UMNO, has benefited Muhyiddin’s bloc. Its ally, the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, or PAS, emerged the key winner. It more than doubled its haul to 43 seats, making it the single largest party in the country. PAS, which touts Sharia, rules three states and has a strong Muslim base.
Mahathir lost his seat in northern Langkawi island in a shock defeat to Muhyiddin’s bloc. Anwar, 75, won in northern Perak state.
“Malays who don’t like UMNO swung to PAS, as they could never accept Harapan, which they perceived as too liberal and accommodating to non-Malays,” said Oh Ei Sun of the Singapore Institute of International Affairs.
The outcome will now see horse-trading as both Muhyiddin and Anwar scramble to form the government. They will need support from two blocs on Borneo island that jointly hold 28 seats. Ironically, UMNO has also now become kingmaker.
Anwar told a news conference that he has obtained support in writing from lawmakers to obtain a simple majority. He said this will have to be submitted to the country’s king, who will have the final say.
“We have obtained the majority … majority means more than 111,” he said.
Muhyiddin, meanwhile, said he had received a letter from the palace indicating his bloc may have been given preference to form a government over Anwar. He said he was confident he could form a stable government and is willing to work with anyone except Harapan.
UMNO leader Ahmad Zahid Hamidi said in a statement that his alliance accepted the results. He said the National Front is willing to set aside differences to ensure a stable government can be formed but gave no further details.
Polling for two federal seats has been postponed after the death of a candidate in one constituency and bad weather in another.
The economy and rising cost of living were chief concerns for voters, though many are apathetic due to political turmoil that has led to three prime ministers since 2018 polls.
Read full article here.
Winners and Losers
Malaysia’s general election on Nov 19 saw a record number of voters, as well as its first hung Parliament with no clear winner. After five days of negotiations and intrigue, opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim was finally sworn in as Prime Minister, leading a coalition government that is, on paper, the strongest Malaysia has had since 2004. The Straits Times takes a look at some of the winners and losers of the historic polls.
A two-time opposition leader and former deputy prime minister, the Pakatan Harapan (PH) chief had made multiple unsuccessful bids for the country’s top job, through disputed elections and attempted midterm change of governments. Datuk Seri Anwar was subject to jokes about his seemingly endless wait to become premier, ever since he was removed as DPM in 1998 by then Premier Mahathir Mohamad, once his mentor, because of sodomy and corruption allegations. Mr Anwar was jailed twice, before being exonerated of all his convictions in 2018.
Read the full article here.
A Victim of Western Liberal Transmission?
One could not help but notice that Bank Negara governor repeatedly emphasised in her latest speech – three times to be exact – that the Malaysian economy is no longer in a crisis. Tan Sri Nor Shamsiah Mohd Yunus highlighted that the economic recovery is well underway, although she acknowledged that the future ahead will be “challenging, highly uncertain and unpredictable.”
Interestingly, in the same speech at the Khazanah Megatrends Forum 2022 yesterday, Nor Shamsiah warned that Malaysia could be left behind if no reforms are done. “As a country, we must now focus on strengthening our economic fundamentals, resilience and flexibility. “Our neighbours within the region are actively pressing on with reform measures. We run the risk of being left behind if we do not act now,” she said.
Amid speculation that a recession is imminent, Nor Shamsiah advised Malaysians not to act in a manner that jeopardises the recovery and the confidence of investors, which in turn can create a “negative self-fulfilling cycle.” Commenting on the economy, Nor Shamsiah noted that Malaysia’s investment activity and prospects continue to be supported by the realisation of multi-year projects.
The country’s exports have also been recording double-digit growth since the start of 2021. Nor Shamsiah also said that the labour market has shown strength. “Wages in both the manufacturing and services sectors have been increasing since the start of the year, at around 5% and 7%, respectively. “Unemployment is now less than 4% and income prospects remain positive,” she said.
On price pressures, the central bank head said Malaysia’s inflation remains well anchored, with headline inflation averaging 3.1% year-to-date. “It is largely supply-driven but we have also seen stronger demand with the reopening of the economy. “That said, we project that inflation will peak in the third quarter of this year. “In addition, the extent of upward pressures to inflation will remain partly contained by the existing price controls and the prevailing spare capacity in the economy,” she said.
Despite her optimistic view on the outlook, Nor Shamsiah acknowledged that rising geopolitical tensions and conflict, global inflationary pressures and extremely volatile financial markets will lead to slower growth in 2023. However, she also pointed out that the fundamentals of the local economy and financial system are strong.
“The preemptive policy measures taken will help us to weather this storm,” she said. With regard to the weakening ringgit against the US dollar, Nor Shamsiah said it is not a reflection of the state of the economy. “The exchange rate is only one indicator among many. “Like I said at the start, it is important to consider the strength and positive performance of the Malaysian economy.
“Growth is robust, the labour market is healthy and the financial system is resilient and continues to perform its role effectively,” she said. Nor Shamsiah also noted that Malaysia has a strong external position with more foreign currency assets than foreign currency liabilities.
Read the full article here.
Malaysia’s dangerous racial and religious trajectory
When Malaysia’s Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition ruled the country, it faced an opposition that campaigned on a platform of anti-corruption, free and fair elections, and greater democracy.
BN, led by the United Malays National Organisation (Umno), the largest and most dominant party, ruled the country for 61 years until its shock defeat last year by the Pakatan Harapan coalition, with Mahathir Mohamad at the helm.
Now, for the first time in its history, Umno finds itself out of power and playing the role of the opposition. And in this “new Malaysia”, where once the opposition campaigned for reforms and clean governance on a pluralist platform, it has now been replaced by a previously moderate Umno turned ultra-Malay to court the Malay majority.
To further burnish its ethno-Malay credentials, Umno has teamed up with its one-time arch enemy, the Islamist Pan Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), to contest elections under the banner of Malay rights and Islam.
This month, thousands thronged Umno’s headquarters at the Putra World Trade Center in one of the largest crowds seen in recent years, to witness the signing of a charter to seal the Umno-PAS collaboration.
The change in the characteristic of Malaysia’s opposition from a plural platform to an ethno-religious one has transformed the country’s political landscape. Identity politics has become pronounced and inflammatory.
It has manifested itself in the calls for the boycott of non-Malay products, even halal products produced by non-Malays. It has also seen the proliferation of fake news involving race that has stirred anger and anxiety among segments of the Malay community suffering economic hardship.
Among this is false claims of mainland Chinese being indiscriminately granted citizenship in Malay-majority Malaysia, a story which went viral, causing Malays to feel they are losing out and that the country is about to be taken over by the Chinese.
Another incendiary hoax that circulated recently was a picture of a Chinese-looking man burning the Malaysian flag, angering many Malays who called Malaysian-Chinese people unpatriotic, with some netizens demanding that “Chinese pigs” should leave the country.
Malaysia’s identity politics has triggered a competition among political parties, non-government organisations, and political elites to be the biggest champion of Malay rights and special privileges, which are enshrined in the constitution and accepted and respected by all Malaysians.
It has triggered a race to be a defender of Islam, which is also enshrined in the constitution “as the religion of the Federation”, but other religions are allowed to be practiced in “peace and harmony”.
Malaysians of all races have long respected and accepted the sanctity of Islam, but the rising surge of identity politics has seen the opposition and opposition-linked NGOs accuse the Pakatan Harapan coalition of being anti-Islam in a bid to discredit the government. In government-owned mosques in several states, pro-opposition preachers have been telling their congregation that the government discriminates against Islam, wants to eliminate Islam, and is “liberal,” which is an anathema to conservative Muslims.
Politicians from the Chinese-based Democratic Action Party (DAP), a member of the ruling coalition, have been a particular target of such attacks, where the party is constantly accused of being anti-Islam and seeking to take over the country.
Hence controversial Indian Muslim preacher Zakir Naik, wanted in India on money-laundering charges, has become a cause célèbre for political elites, never mind the fact that he accused the country’s Hindus of being more loyal to India’s Narendra Modi than Malaysia’s Mahathir.
Naik also called Malaysian’s ethnic Chinese “old guests” who should leave the country before he does. Naik was granted permanent residency in Malaysia by the previous government.
In an illustration of the febrile political climate, Malaysia’s youngest minister, Syed Saddiq Abdul Rahman, who initially backed calls for the preacher to be deported, said “an attack against our Chinese and Indian brothers and sisters is an attack against all Malaysians,” but later changed his tune after suffering a huge backlash from Malay-Muslims. Days after his remarks, Syed Saddiq called on Malaysians to forgive Naik and to “move on”.
Read there full article here